Al-Nabaa Forum for Dialogue organized a panel discussion in holy Karbala titled "Journalistic Work and the Challenges of Confronting Corruption" at exactly 5:30 PM on Thursday, November 29, 2018. The symposium was attended by numerous media and journalistic figures from the Karbala governorate, with the participation of the Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC), alongside a number of parliamentarians, academics, legal experts, activists, interested individuals, and media professionals.
The forum's Head, journalist Ali Al-Talqani, opened the panel discussion, beginning his address with an introduction stating: "The convening of this symposium aims to examine the challenges and risks facing journalists, specifically in the holy governorate of Karbala, as just days ago the governorate witnessed the issuance of lawsuits against journalists for speaking out on issues of corruption."
Al-Talqani added, "The journalistic family has made grave sacrifices, offered martyrs, and many journalists have risked their lives to defend the homeland. Journalistic work does not stop at a specific time; rather, a journalist works day and night to perform their duty properly."
Press and Integrity
For his part, Dr. Ghalib Al-Daami stated: "The Commission of Integrity is a regulatory body with two facets in combating corruption: the first is spreading the culture of integrity, and the second is combating corruption through investigations. It was established under a decision by the civil administrator Bremer and was subsequently approved through Law No. 30, which was later legislated in the Iraqi Parliament. Naturally, the departments dedicated to spreading culture outnumber those combating corruption through investigation. For example, there are the Research Department, the Iraqi Anti-Corruption Academy, the Prevention Department, the Recovery Department, and the Non-Governmental Organizations Relations Department. These are all public departments and directorates concerned with spreading the culture of integrity through conferences, workshops, studies, research, cooperation, and so on."
Al-Daami added, "Meanwhile, the Investigations Department, alongside the Recovery Department, is the only one concerned with the investigative aspect regarding corruption crimes. We also have financial oversight, as many colleagues have a misunderstanding regarding the misplaced use of terms. For instance, the Federal Board of Supreme Audit is not concerned with conducting investigations but rather with identifying problems; it is akin to an ultrasound that detects diseases afflicting the state's body or the body of financial transactions, embezzlement, and so forth. As for the Commission of Integrity, it is concerned with opening investigation files in this regard and following up on them through its offices in the governorates and in Baghdad. We also have another body, which is the Offices of the Inspectors General. This joint also specializes in a specific aspect, and recently some laws have been issued that determined the authority of these offices, linking them technically to the Commission of Integrity. This is done by referring the cases handled within the office to the Commission of Integrity to complete the investigation and subsequently forward them to the substantive courts, namely the criminal courts, which are also separate from the Commission of Integrity."
Al-Daami continued, "There are other entities in the Iraqi Parliament, which are not considered institutions as they are legislative, bearing the name 'Integrity Committee'. There are also committees in the provincial councils bearing the title 'Anti-Corruption Committee'. Another issue that must be addressed is the provincial council, a place where corruption grows at an extremely rapid pace. The reason goes back to the lack of legislation defining the council's work. Consequently, this council believed it was the primary governing authority, especially during the first elections, where it acted as the legislator, the executor, the one who commands and forbids; it was everything. It could transfer, appoint, punish, and take money, and the funds were exclusively its own. Therefore, today we are concerned with posing the following question: What is our role in the presence of this great scourge? Now, most regrettably, corruption has major satellite channels, mafias, politicians, and major corruption power structures, which are organized entities that could belong to a political partisan group."
He further added, "It has reached the point of uprooting every tree of goodness in its path. However, some voices that fight corruption may be subjected to harsh attacks by these satellite channels and other media outlets, not to mention rapid communication means and mobile applications; this great danger that has begun to aggressively encroach upon us. We have even started to believe everything said without scrutiny or verification; on the contrary, media outlets have become promoters of these misleading and fabricated lies. Furthermore, we journalists are part of this problem; when we benefit from a media institution, we attempt to cheerlead for it or remain silent about its violations. There is also investigative journalism, which is a very, very important domain. During the era of US President Nixon, for example, a gang broke into the Democratic Party headquarters and stole some files. However, a journalist noticed that the lawyer defending this group, supposedly a mere gang, was a lawyer who only took on major cases in the United States. Subsequently, a group of American journalists convened and uncovered the truth that the Republican Party was behind this act. The US President subsequently resigned, resulting in a major scandal. Investigative journalism also played a significant role in ending the mafia in Italy and managed to dismantle mafias in South America. However, in Iraq, the press has no such role."
Partisan Public Relations Apparatuses
Dr. Muslim Abbas, a media professor, believes: "The issue of corruption is a thorny one, especially since the media's exposure of this aspect is a crucial element as part of the evaluation process for democratic societies. In Iraq, the media outlets that are supposed to expose reality and reveal it to the public are today practicing the role of obscuring this reality. This happens through the fact that every political party owns a television channel, a radio station, a website, and several pages on social media platforms. The primary mission of this media conglomerate is to cover up the party's behaviors and justify its actions. Consequently, it is as if all media outlets are merely public relations apparatuses affiliated with political parties."
Abbas added, "There is a set of challenges facing the press in Iraq. When we speak about corruption here, we are specifically referring to investigative journalism, not general journalism, daily event reporting, or official statements. Investigative journalism is based on exposing corruption, injustice, and mismanagement. By corruption here, we mean the corruption practiced by state institutions, legislative authorities, executive authorities, private institutions, and even international organizations. These topics are almost non-existent not only in Iraqi media but also in Arab media. In Arab experiences, hypothetically, we have the experience of the ARIJ Network for Investigative Journalism and the NIRIJ Network for Investigative Journalism in Iraq. These have published a series of investigative reports, but they are insufficient; moreover, sometimes these investigations fall on deaf ears."
Abbas continued, "For example, we are talking about Project Number One, which was exposed by journalist Asaad Al-Zalzali and broadcast on the German channel (DW) in the 'Fourth Estate' program. It revealed the loss of $200 million in Project Number One. This project aimed to demolish a group of schools and subsequently rebuild them. The first part of this matter was indeed carried out, meaning the demolition of the schools, but the rebuilding process did not occur, and the funds allocated for construction were embezzled. Consequently, children ended up attending mud schools and caravans."
He further added, "Therefore, this model serves as a living witness that the press faces massive challenges, including, for example: First: The challenge of political censorship. Censorship here does not only stem from political authorities; rather, it is the censorship of the parties that own these institutions. We ask our media institutions today to expose corruption while they themselves might be affiliated with corrupt parties. Some reports and investigative pieces conducted by certain Iraqi journalists are framed within political purposes rather than public service. This is a very massive problem facing the press in Iraq, especially since journalistic topics are invariably co-opted into the realm of political propaganda rather than public service. When society grants journalists the right to access information across all state institutions, private entities, and private companies, it does so to allow them to structure this information and present it to the public. However, most regrettably, what is happening now is the exact opposite; this information and these reports are utilized for political purposes. The reason for this goes back to the dominance of political money, which is a massive hurdle in itself, requiring lengthy discussion to build media institutions independent of political money. Second: Laws. These were established to regulate the operation of media outlets as well as the institutions responsible for the welfare of Iraqi journalists. In addition to this, we currently have vague laws, or well-drafted laws that are not allowed to be implemented. Among these is the Right to Access Information Law. Consequently, the Iraqi journalist faces a new reality, oscillating between official sources and fabricated sources. Third: The journalist's own skills. The journalist is an individual specialized in conveying grievances, suffering, mismanagement, and the misuse of laws. Furthermore, among the well-known traditions of prestigious institutions is the provision of annual training for journalists to keep pace with developments occurring in the media field. The journalist must also develop their skills in acquiring information and how to extract it, rather than relying solely on official statements."
Monitoring Violations
Tawfiq Al-Habali, Director of Media for the Holy Governorate of Karbala and Head of the Journalists Syndicate, Karbala Branch, described: "The subject of the press and media is one of the important, vital, and dangerous subjects, if the description holds true. Another point worth pausing at is whether there is a free, independent, and neutral press. The answer is that no global or Arab media outlet, whether partisan, governmental, or private sector, is independent. Everyone operates within a general policy pertaining to that institution."
Al-Habali added, "As for journalists working in partisan channels, they are not journalists. Honestly, I have strong reservations about using this word, especially when we find, amidst these programs and channels, fierce competition to present what is best in the field of monitoring financial, administrative, and legal violations of this or that entity. The role here remains with the Public Prosecution. When this or that media outlet publishes certain information, what is the role of the Public Prosecution, and does it act upon those reports or not?"
Al-Habali continued, "Therefore, the flaw does not lie with the media outlets, which consistently present information and evidence. However, with deep regret, we do not find any tangible movement at the level of the Commission of Integrity, the Financial Audit, the Public Prosecution, and the Judiciary. Consequently, we must commend the efforts of all journalists."
Nafi' Al-Mayali, a Provincial Council member and Head of the Culture and Media Committee in the Karbala Provincial Council, affirmed: "There is a major flaw in the Culture and Media Committee in the Karbala Provincial Council, especially since there is a clear shortcoming in the lack of communication. On another note, journalistic work has a very significant role in combating corruption, but merely broadcasting and publishing about corruption is not enough to eliminate it. On the contrary, this approach might yield counterproductive results by making corruption appear overtly public. Therefore, regulatory bodies must assume their role in following up on the files. Additionally, the journalist bears the responsibility of honoring the person of integrity to serve as a motivation toward a righteous model."
Threats Facing the Journalistic Community
Legal expert Abbas Kanbar, Head of the Iraqi Council of Representatives Office in Holy Karbala, believes: "The press in Iraq exercises a very dangerous role, acting as the primary confrontational force against this broad front of corruption devouring the country. However, a question presents itself: the threats facing the journalistic community from the outside are known, but there are threats targeting this community from the inside, from those who affiliate themselves with this dangerous profession. This is not to mention those who do not even know the ABCs of journalism, especially knowing that this profession has seen giants pass through it in Iraq, the Arab world, and the region."
Kanbar added, "In Iraq, there were Al-Jawahiri, Faiq Butti, Jalal Talabani, and other Arab names. These figures left a profound impact on the political kitchen, decision-making, and influencing public opinion. As for the matter of listing anti-corruption institutions, I believe that, according to the law and legal articles, Article 61 of the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq, Article 32 of the internal regulations, and Provincial Council Law No. 21 of 2008 granted critical tools to the Council of Representatives. This is especially true since the Council of Representatives is an institution elected by the people, and it is the institution before which no door is closed except the Judiciary."
Mohammed Al-Fatlawi, a journalist, "doubts the existence of immunity for journalists on legal and personal levels, given that the situation in Iraq is unstable. For example, a member of the Karbala Provincial Council from the previous term exposed important files concerning state real estate, on the condition that I personally bear the consequences of that action, which is a matter of extreme danger."
Ali Al-Nawab, a media professional, "inquires whether there is an appropriate media environment for journalistic work, encompassing a law to protect journalists, the existence of independent institutions, societal awareness, the entrenchment of correct media work traditions, and the presence of transparency. When these elements are available, we are entitled to debate whether a journalist can or cannot confront corruption. From our personal experience, I believe we have failed significantly in confronting corruption due to the lack of safety and the absence of a law protecting journalists, let alone the tribal issue, which has come to overshadow the media and override all laws."
Protecting the Journalist and Accessing Information
Fadhil Al-Hakim, a media professional, "considers that the journalist is not the primarily responsible party for combating corruption; rather, the responsibility falls primarily on the shoulders of society. How can a journalist expose an official's corruption if society offers that official full appreciation, respect, and celebratory chants? Also, how can a journalist expose corruption if there is no law to protect journalists? Additionally, a journalist could be subjected to threats from this or that party merely for crossing the first line. Consequently, the journalist cannot confront all corruption files, especially since physical liquidation is a present reality for journalists. Therefore, there must be protection for the journalist and an ability to access information so that they can innovate and draft an accurate investigative report exposing corruption files. Thus, even if all these prerequisites are met, who will hold the corrupt accountable? The evidence here is clear and overt: former Minister of Trade Abdul Falah Al-Sudani was acquitted."
Arkan Fadhil, Media Director of the Holy Karbala Sewerage Directorate, "criticized the state of journalistic chaos pervading the media scene today, where many intruders into the journalistic community adopt the method of undermining the achievements of directorates and service departments in Karbala."
Haider Al-Asadi, a media professional, "considers that confronting corruption requires a set of foundational elements, including integrity and public opinion to pressure the corrupt and expose significant corruption files. The second point is that the majority of journalists in Iraq possess a high level of professionalism and are fully prepared to publish corruption files. Moreover, if public opinion and the judiciary were to unite, they would form a pressure force against any official, regardless of their stature."
Hussein Abu Nader, a media professional, "calls for going to the roots of corruption, whose foundation is the human being. Consequently, we must address the human being, considering them the most important link in eradicating corruption."
Ghazwan Al-Mu’nis, a journalist, "describes the scourge of corruption as having torn apart the entire body of Iraq, and any discussion on this subject will be attributed to the entity discussing the topic of corruption, especially since the majority of media institutions in Iraq are affiliated with political parties. These parties are the ones that turned Iraq into an arena for political conflict and corruption within its institutions. Secondly, the subject of investigative journalism dates back to 1904, when a group of journalists conducted investigative reports following the Industrial Revolution and developments in Europe."
Al-Mu’nis added, "Likewise, corruption in Iraqi society has become a culture, and this is among the dangerous stages we face today. Consequently, even the journalist today is part of society, and they cannot hold the corrupt politician accountable due to tribal deterrence. Similarly, in Iraqi universities, particularly media colleges, there is a scarcity of studies addressing corruption, contrary to what exists in Egypt. Furthermore, we do not touch upon the micro-details of corruption that affect societal peace and have myriad impacts on all aspects of life; hence, we have made corruption a scapegoat without any resolution."
Issam Allawi, a journalist, spoke, saying: "There are dozens of different media outlets presenting a fair number of daily reports regarding corruption and governmental negligence. However, despite the existence of this large volume of reports, there are no real remedies for these files, not to mention the absence of the governmental regulatory and judicial role, which has become a distinguishing mark in the record of rampant corruption in Iraq."
Abdul Amir Al-Rikabi, a journalist, believes: "The challenges of the corruption file are very, very large, especially since I practice caricature drawing, and there are many media institutions that have fought us because I pinpoint certain issues; therefore, I am pivoting today toward social media platforms."
Anmar Al-Basri, a correspondent for Karbala Satellite Channel, "seeks clarification on the methods through which corruption files can be exposed. He also stresses the need to step away from the practice of accusing journalists of being supported and directed by malicious entities."
Wisal Al-Asadi, a journalist, "believes that the most significant challenge facing the journalist is the difficulty of accessing information. Alongside this, in the event this information is published, there is a grave danger to the journalist's life. Therefore, we demand the protection of the journalist and the activation of the role of investigative journalism in Karbala and the rest of Iraq's governorates, because it is a definitive guarantee to thwart the state of corruption in Iraq."
Ma'athir Talib, a media professional, "considers protection for the journalist, impunity, and electronic protection to be among the most important challenges facing the journalist. Today, most colleagues have become media fodder for defamation as a result of exposing many corruption files. We must also address digital security and how professionals and journalists are safeguarded by the concerned authorities regarding the provision of personal protection and the protection of electronic accounts. Another aspect is the issue of impunity in the phase following the journalist's exposure of administrative corruption files; consequently, the jar will be broken on the journalist's head, as the saying goes. This has driven many journalists to never approach corruption files again. Historically, Iraq has not witnessed a fair trial for the icons of administrative corruption, which has become a negative factor impacting the morale of the Iraqi journalist. Finally, journalists must be empowered with all their tools and skill capacities."
Mahmoud Al-Hasnawi, a journalist, producer, and TV presenter on Karbala Satellite Channel, "finds that the real challenges facing corruption consist of two main hurdles. The first challenge is the State, given that corruption files are plain for all to see, yet the State will not permit the fighting of corruption. Here, I can point to the Karbala Provincial Council, especially as we face the problem of preventing journalists from directly entering the council's session in front of everyone. The pretext provided by the Council President was that the session contained security information, and that the only entities authorized to be given information were Al-Iraqiya Channel and Karbala Satellite Channel. What is the fault of the rest of the media outlets? This is a primary method to block journalists from accessing information, which is an illegal practice."
Al-Hasnawi added, "As for the second challenge, it is the Journalists Syndicate, which has not performed its true role as a syndicate. If we were to compare the Journalists Syndicate in Tunisia with the Journalists Syndicate in Iraq, in Tunisia there is immense monitoring, which is absent in Iraq. Also, a journalist can be right or make mistakes; if they make a mistake, the Journalists Syndicate plays no role. Therefore, the Iraqi Journalists Syndicate has a major role in monitoring those who transmit erroneous information that may harm public security. On the other hand, today we see that the Journalists Syndicate in Tunisia, by comparison, took a strong stance regarding the visit of the Saudi Crown Prince (Mohammed bin Salman) to Tunis, against the backdrop of the assassination of Saudi journalist (Jamal Khashoggi)."
Al-Hasnawi continued, "Today, we witness syndicates in Arab countries playing influential roles, but this is absent from the Iraqi Journalists Syndicate, which itself is accused of corruption cases. How can a journalist fight corruption while belonging to an institution that claims independence but contains corruption files? Furthermore, today the Iraqi journalist faces another challenge: the media institution, with a simple signature, can lay off a journalist from work, and here again, the syndicate plays no role. Finally, it is not the duty of the journalist to polish the image of an official."
Amir Al-Hashimi, a correspondent for Karbala Satellite Channel, "believes that the problem does not stop at diagnosing corruption files, which are very, very large. Rather, the real crisis lies in the entity that holds perpetrators accountable. Also, what is the mechanism adopted by the Journalists Syndicate to support a journalist when they face any problem?"
Amir Al-Janabi, a correspondent for Karbala Satellite Channel, "finds that the possibility of achieving this goal, calling for the fight against corruption, becomes available when there is neutral media."
Imad Al-Daami, Deputy of the Intellectual, Cultural, and Media Creativity Foundation, "requests the journalist to be professional, objective, prudent, driven by their conscience, and distanced from emotion and its impacts on them, as that is the highest level. In 2003, for example, during the fall of the dictatorial regime, the corruption rate was up to 1%. Now, as we are in 2018, the rain is a blight devouring our wealth. So, what is the role of the press, and what has it done? The real problem in Iraq is freedom, and it is the human being."
Fadhil Al-Mamouri, an independent journalist, "inquires whether corruption is overt or hidden. Everyone knows that corruption is overt and exists with evidence, official letters, and individuals at the level of ministers and parliament members. The strange thing in this matter is that they declare publicly in broad daylight that they are corrupt and have received millions of dollars. Therefore, the idea is present and clear for all to see, but where are the solutions, and who holds them accountable? Another thing is that the Journalists Syndicate must hold training courses to foster the culture of investigative journalism."
Riyadh Al-Ubaidi, a member of the Karbala Teachers Syndicate, "finds that the journalist today requires legal backing to protect them, enabling them to speak comfortably and realistically. Besides that, the media professional today has exposed many corruption files, achieved significant accomplishments on the ground, and been close to the pulse of the street. Thus, the press has made many sacrifices at the hands of terrorism and influential parties, so we cannot deny the credit due to the journalist in facing the challenges present in the arena. However, at the same time, I do not urge journalists to think they live in a democratic state. Therefore, in order for journalists to face the real challenges and corruption with its grand scourge, they must first believe in the truth of the profession they belong to, its goals, and its mission. Otherwise, this person should step away from exercising this role, which requires sufficient courage to expose corruption in all its names and titles."
Lawyer Zuhair Al-Mayali, a member of the Holy Karbala Lawyers Syndicate Board, "calls for the activation of Article 38 of the Iraqi Constitution, which guarantees freedom of media and expression of opinion, provided this meaning does not violate public order and morals. When the lecturer spoke about media channels affiliated with partisan institutions, he did not demean them, but rather highlighted the reality of them steering the course of events in their favor and for their policies. Therefore, independent and professional media is the one that is close to diagnosing both positive and negative situations. The media's approach is always striving to uncover ambiguous cases of corruption, especially since the corrupt in Iraq today use ingenious methods of fraud in order to conceal information."
Al-Mayali added, "Therefore, we are facing a mafia that employs highly inventive and diabolical methods that do not cross the mind, not to mention the legal knowledge through which the corrupt politician was able to learn the legal tricks through which they execute their schemes. The truth is that media outlets, the Commission of Integrity, and civil society organizations bear the responsibility of identifying corruption and dusting it off. However, the decision to adjudicate corruption files remains the responsibility of the Judiciary, which has issued numerous decisions restricting the freedom of the corrupt. Yet, this conflicts with the amnesty decisions issued by the State from time to time."
Muhannad Falih from the Karbala Center for Studies and Research "asserts that all visual and audio media outlets inside and outside Iraq are not neutral at all. In addition to this, Karbala deserves a satellite channel of its own to discuss service issues and other matters related to corruption files and the like."
Hazim Fadhil, a correspondent and presenter on Karbala Satellite Channel, "intersects with the idea that it is the journalist who practices investigative journalism; rather, there is citizen journalism. This designation stems from the collection of news and events that the citizen monitors and circulates through social media platforms. This is not to mention that the Iraqi journalist today is a faithful transmitter of everything happening on the street. For instance, I have three personal experiences. In one of them, I wrote an opinion column that was published in an agency, and based on that, the implementation of a ministerial directive was halted because of this article. There was an extensive search for my name, my capacity, where I work, what I do, how I work, and other details that we are not here to discuss."
Fadhil added, "Also, before the year 2013, we had a Facebook page titled 'Karbala in Danger'. This page challenged the governorate's departments, speaking with frankness and boldness, and our correspondents were the citizens themselves. In truth, there was a tangible response from many service departments to what was published on this page. In addition to this, if we were to transition to investigative journalism or bold critical journalism, we would need two fundamental points. The first point is that we need funding; so, who are the entities that fund the investigative journalist, considering they are the major factor capable of reaching correct and accurate information?"
Fadhil continued, "Consequently, funding is a fundamental heading for the existence of investigative journalism, in addition to the journalist's travel conditions and their information sources, which require financial sums as rewards. Thus, some journalists are forced to use social media pages and fake websites to convey news. We must also look into the issue of 'having one's back covered', which comes either through tribes or through the Journalists Syndicate, which operates under the umbrella of the law."
He further added, "Therefore, investigative journalism must originate from the Parliament itself so it provides the journalist with the necessary protection. The final point is that when cases of corruption are exposed, there must be movement from the Judiciary."
Legal Corruption
Kamal Ubaid, an informatics journalist, "considers that the greatest challenge facing Iraq today is the corruption file, specifically the most dangerous type of corruption, which is legal corruption that has become a realized fact. In addition to this, we must touch upon an important point, which is the weakness of journalistic competence, specifically in the field of investigative journalism. The closest example of this is how the French press confronted the spread of crime. They were able to tackle this issue through editorial policy, noting that in earlier times, they used to write about crime in the style of a news story. This format was engaging for the reader and did not halt the momentum of crime's spread."
Ubaid added, "However, when they shifted toward an editorial policy channeled through articles and news, mentioning the execution of so-and-so and the imprisonment of so-and-so, things changed. Therefore, we need today an editorial policy as well as journalistic competence and professionalism in this field. Thus, I have two questions in this regard: First, how do we advance investigative journalism, and what is the current reality of investigative journalism in Iraq? Second, what are the foundational elements for creating and building a professional investigative journalist?"
Legal expert Ahmed Jweid, Director of the Adam Center for Defending Rights and Freedoms, "believes that the journalism profession is an arduous one facing many major challenges, especially concerning the corruption file and the whales of corruption. Consequently, the Iraqi journalist needs two things to confront corruption. The first issue is raising the legal awareness of the Iraqi journalist; there are many Iraqi journalists who, through a simple word poorly expressed, can be sued by any corrupt individual in court. As a result, instead of exposing corruption files, they become the victim defending themselves."
Jweid added, "The other issue is that many working in the journalism field categorize their journalistic work as a job rather than a profession. Consequently, when working in any media outlet, they become captives to this institution. If this outlet is affiliated with a party, it is impossible for them to investigate files regarding a ministry or department affiliated with that party. Furthermore, a question arises at the core of freedom of opinion: if the Iraqi Journalists Syndicate itself is tainted with corruption files, is it possible to find journalists investigating this corruption?"
Adnan Al-Salhi, Director of the Future Center for Strategic Studies, commented: "The press is the Fourth Estate that spills blood but simultaneously receives nothing but arrows. It is an oppressed and deprived authority, not only in Iraq but across the globe. On this basis, many journalist brothers have confronted numerous corruption files. This is an undeniable fact, especially since many files were opened and investigated based on journalistic reports. Thus, the issue in Iraq is broader than we imagine, particularly since the entire Iraqi body is sick. In Iraq, there is a scourge called the 'scourge of corruption' that has spread through all joints of the Iraqi State."
Al-Salhi added, "Therefore, we need to rise to the level of this danger. The second point is that we are not living in the phase of a democratic state nor a state of institutions; rather, we are still living in a transitional phase, not to mention the absence of an opposition culture in Parliament. The third thing is that we, as journalists, have not been able to form a viable environment in which journalists can find shelter. Thus, we need to create an incubating environment for journalists to defend themselves. The final thing is that the Iraqi Judiciary is an independent judiciary and must remain independent. Furthermore, it is necessary to establish memorandums of understanding and involve the judiciary in how to protect the journalist, forming a unified front in fighting corruption."
For his part, Dr. Ghalib Al-Daami stated that the definition of a journalist is "he who works in journalism, subsists on it, and lives off its wages." As for investigative journalism, it has standards, especially since what is published in Iraq is not investigative journalism. Also, no journalist in Iraq can conduct an investigative journalistic report given its substantial costs, as they face great difficulty due to low wages in Iraq. This is a tangible reality, especially since the Iraqi journalist earns only very meager amounts. Add to that, there are no red lines before corruption; dignity is the red line, whether it concerns a simple person, a tribal sheikh, an academic professor, or a teacher.
"As for protecting ourselves from accountability, this is done through the drafting of sentences and writing reports that focus on performance, staying away from personal matters. What is currently published in our press, unfortunately, targets the corrupt individual as a person rather than focusing on performance. Corruption during Saddam's era was large, very large, and hidden; but today, it has become visible due to developments in media outlets. The challenge present in the Integrity Committee is singular: the corrupt person is the one who appoints the anti-corruption officials. So how can those who assume responsibility for fighting corruption fight the corrupt person who appointed them? As for the entity capable of confronting corruption, it is society."
As for Dr. Muslim Abbas, he believes "that the characteristics enjoyed by the journalist are as follows: First: Searching for information. Second: In-depth knowledge of laws. Third: In-depth knowledge of social issues. Fourth: Knowledge of the fundamentals of journalistic work. Fifth: Staying away from generalities and generalizations. Sixth: Social pressures. Seventh: Lack of funding. Eighth: The transformation of the journalist themselves into a party in the case. Ninth: Legal and financial protection for the journalist."
