Al-Nabaa Forum for Dialogue organized a panel discussion in the holy province of Karbala titled "Obstacles to Forming the Iraqi Government." The event hosted MP Dr. Riyadh Al-Masoudi; the Head of the Iraqi Group for Strategic Studies, political analyst Dr. Wathiq Al-Hashimi; and the Head of Akkad Center for Strategic Affairs and Future Studies, Dr. Hussein Allawi. The seminar took place at 5:00 PM on Tuesday, August 28, 2018. It was attended by members of the Iraqi Parliament, members of the local government, several directors of security and service departments, and representatives from study and research centers, in addition to clergymen, tribal sheikhs and dignitaries, representatives of political forces, and a number of journalists and media professionals.
The forum's president, journalist Ali Al-Talqani, opened the program stating, "The political scene has become highly complex. Through this program, we attempt to understand the current state of political alliances, particularly the formation of the largest bloc, as it is the one that will form the government." He added, "With the approaching date of the first session of the Iraqi Parliament, the identity of the political bloc that will form the government remains unclear. There are several scenarios because consultations to form the largest bloc publicly seek national interests, while in secret, foreign interests force them into a different approach, sometimes with a political hue governed by political agendas, and at other times forcing them into sectarian alignments."
Al-Talqani pointed out that "the loss of trust among all political blocs dominates the situation. Consequently, all the conditions set for forming the government are (interest-based), and thus, the agreements will be merely ink on paper and patchwork. For example, the Kirkuk province, the Region, the US-Iranian dispute, and the parties' shares of ministries, all these files will remain unresolved and will reflect on Iraq's internal security."
The seminar was moderated by Mr. Muslim Abbas Al-Mayali, a writer at Al-Nabaa Information Network, who stated: "The issue of forming the government is the most prominent topic on the Iraqi arena today, and it concerns all components of the Iraqi people. Consequently, it garners widespread attention. As part of the continuous agenda of Al-Nabaa Forum for the sessions it holds, whether in Karbala, Baghdad, or through the forum's presence on social media networks and its website, the forum's administration decided that today's topic would be the obstacles to forming the upcoming Iraqi government."
"Naturally, we need to clarify some fundamental aspects, especially since the Iraqi elections produced a random mixture of political blocs. Notably, no electoral bloc won according to Iraqi law or the Iraqi constitution, particularly since the winning bloc is the one that secures two-thirds of the Parliament members, meaning (219) deputies, qualifying it to form the government, or the bloc that secures (156) deputies. None of the existing blocs achieved this quorum; rather, there are blocs that obtained (54) seats or even a single seat. This falls within the new interpretation of the Federal Supreme Court, which defines the largest bloc (as the largest bloc formed during the first session)."
"Of course, some issues might serve as obstacles to forming the next government. The fundamental issues we can go over stem from the fact that the recent elections were exceptional. For the first time, a bloc affiliated with the Sadrist movement secured first place, and also for the first time, the State of Law bloc received such a low number of votes. In addition, for the first time since (2003) until now, voter turnout was low. Likewise, it is the first time such massive fragmentation has occurred among the blocs, whether they are (Shiaa, Sunni, or Kurdish)."
"This has produced a massive number of fragile political blocs, the closest example being the (Victory Coalition). On the other hand, the strongest blocs capable of forming the government are the (Sairoon Bloc); the (State of Law Bloc), which is also cohesive; the (Al-Hikma Movement Bloc), which is cohesive too; and the (Al-Fatah Bloc), which is similarly cohesive or has three heads. However, by its nature, the discussion regarding the government formation revolves around the Shiite blocs. As for the Kurdish and Sunni blocs, they are waiting for whoever can achieve their goals or serve their interests. This dynamic was entered into during the (2010) elections, won by Ayad Allawi, yet Al-Maliki was the one who formed the government. Similarly, in (2014), Al-Maliki won, but Haider Al-Abadi formed the government. Consequently, a dilemma emerges here regarding the acceptability of the winning figure, both domestically and externally."
"Therefore, we have three basic pillars for forming the government: we have the Iran and Najaf Marji'iya axis, and there is the Gulf and United States axis. These are the most prominent fundamental points influencing the government formation."
For his part, MP Dr. Riyadh Al-Masoudi, representing the Sairoon Bloc, explained with some sequential detail the most essential points around which the issue of government formation revolves: "Especially since we are still within the constitutional timeframes and there is no fear for the political process. Thus, there are certain inputs that will accelerate the birth of this government. There is no fragmentation; rather, there is a very clear vision, particularly since our country suffers from two main problems: the decline in the level of services and the weakness of public trust in the government across all its joints, starting from the person of the Prime Minister down to state institutions."
"The other problem is regional and international interference, which is a foregone conclusion. Some countries have extensions within certain political blocs; for instance, there is the (Iranian axis / the Turkish-Qatari axis / the American axis / the Saudi axis). This is a situation even the United States suffers from, as it accuses Russia of interfering in the American elections. Consequently, the nature of these interventions is inevitable. However, if a national vision is relied upon, which is what the (Sairoon Bloc) emphasizes, being the largest bloc in terms of seat count, there is a clear program. Consequently, this represents a major concern that the (Sairoon Bloc) bears the greatest burden of selecting the Prime Minister."
"During the previous terms, the decisive word in forming the Iraqi government belonged to what is known as the (Sadrist Movement / the Sadrist Bloc / the Ahrar Bloc). It represents the tipping point for the Shiite street and has its well-known popular base. Another significant obstacle facing the government formation is the corruption experienced by previous governments. On the other hand, the biggest challenge facing the government formation is partisan interests. This is pervasive because the governance system in Iraq still lacks institutional work; consequently, selecting an official even at the department level involves partisan interference."
"Accordingly, what is known as laws, instructions, and regulations frankly exist but are marginalized. In every ministry, there is a law; in the Council of Ministers, there is a law; in Parliament, there is a law. But what is known today as (quotas / consensus / turning a blind eye), these terms constitute a major barrier to reforming institutional work. Therefore, regarding the (Sairoon Bloc), when Mr. (Muqtada Al-Sadr) called out, he was clear in his proposition by setting forty parameters for selecting the Prime Minister's character. Therefore, the third challenge is the absence of an institutional system."
"The fourth problem, which is considered the biggest challenge, is international interference, a broad heading. Anyone wanting to form the government without considering the vision of some neighboring or regional countries is mistaken. The extensions exist, and the embassies exist, and this is their job. Consequently, these four challenges are among the greatest challenges facing the government formation. However, there remains (public pressure / the deterioration of services / the wise religious Marji'iya); thus, these three pillars form an important motivation to contribute to forming the government on sound foundations. Finally, everyone bears the responsibility of attending to the political aspect, and interventions must serve the political process in Iraq, not harm it, with the hope that the upcoming periods will feature a political class that places Iraq before its eyes, rather than personal and partisan interests."
For his part, Dr. Hussein Allawi, a professor of political science at Al-Nahrain University and member of Al-Nabaa Forum for Dialogue, addressed "the axis of government formation between desire and will. Iraq is at a crossroads: either we move forward toward a new phase, or we continue to suffer from these problems until they take root and worsen day by day. We notice this through the issues of water, unemployment, and the economy; consequently, this matter has become clear to the public. Thus, the first obstacle that can be discussed is holding elections amid escalating crises in Iraq's immediate surroundings. Here we mean, for example, the Syrian file, or the Iranian agreement and its cancellation by Trump, as well as the sanctions imposed on neighboring Iran, not to mention the Yemen crisis."
"The political process now suffers from major problems, foremost among them being transparency. We noticed this through the suspension of the election results for several months due to the review of the elections and their results, and the intervention of the judiciary, which played a decisive role. That phase was a test for the judiciary, as it was the final constitutional authority to weigh in after the Independent High Electoral Commission. It could collapse, and this is the last card of the Iraqi political system. We hope and look forward to transitioning from power to the state, and through these three authorities, we establish a successful modern authority. Another issue is the matter of will, as there is a very deep confusion among Iraqi political forces."
"They do not differentiate between political will and the government program. After the elections conclude, they talk about a political will but do not talk about a government program. In all developing countries, what is discussed in electoral programs shifts to the extent of implementing those promises. This is especially true since public opinion will shift regarding the entities that failed to fulfill their electoral commitments, and new forces will emerge, particularly with the upcoming provincial council elections. Turnout for these will be heavy because they directly affect the citizen's service reality and are more important than the Parliament."
"Consequently, the foundation of democracy is formed only through successful and effective provincial councils, especially with the transfer of powers from ministries to the provincial councils, which were previously unprepared to follow up on the services file. This file has become a point of push and pull among the various Iraqi political forces. Therefore, the political forces must be clear: do we want a government of services to answer the call of the Marji'iya and the call of the public? Thus, the political forces face a great ordeal; they will either succeed in this term or fail, and failure will be fatal to them, as the citizen will no longer have choices of loyalty based on doctrine or identity."
"Instead, it will be based on public service, with legislation addressing the interests of a wider segment of the public. The other issue is the government program, particularly since there are important visions being developed in the capital, Baghdad, by experts and specialists who conducted an inventory and statistics of previous projects. This is especially relevant since everyone raises the slogan of development without specified timeframes. Therefore, we expect the presence of a good government program worked on by some academic figures, with the possibility of presenting it to the active political forces. Additionally, regarding external challenges, there are those who want to portray the Iraqi decision as confiscated, and this is a major problem."
"Consequently, the decision became fragmented, and we now face a picture that is (American / Iranian / Qatari / Turkish / Saudi). Conversely, however, the American and Iranian pictures are very clear in this direction. Therefore, we have practically lost the image of the Iraqi decision and the image of the Iraqi political forces' vision in this field. The media confiscated this will from us until we reached this zero point. Unfortunately, many who speak in this direction speak as if we have lost our will, but we still possess the Iraqi decision, though the influences of the region and the influences of the countries are very evident upon us."
"Especially since everyone has interests and policies, and they want Iraq to change and adapt according to their interests. Thus, today we face three basic scenarios for forming the government. First, we might face a paralyzed session scenario, where problems arise, as we saw in (2010) when MP (Mohammed Tamim) caused an uproar in Parliament. The second scenario is the consensus session, which means remaining with the previous consensus. The third scenario is the non-numerical largest bloc scenario, which was proposed by the leader of the (Victory Bloc). Consequently, deputies who have not taken their constitutional oath cannot practice the process of transferring from this bloc to that bloc, and at that point, these behind-the-scenes scenarios conclude."
"Therefore, today we face a reality indicating that every step has a cost and an impact. Today, the (Axis Bloc and the Kurdistan Bloc) are giving some signals, not dictates. Consequently, this program might have exhausting costs in the long run, but at times it will be beneficial, especially when the blocs participate and bear responsibility. Therefore, the (Victory) scenario will be the clearest, as it is supported internationally and regionally, because the Prime Minister is one of the active ministers in the region. Iraq remains a pivotal state in the war on terrorism. There is also still a challenge in the region: there is Turkey and its major transformations, and there is also the Syrian crisis."
"In contrast, Mr. Al-Maliki and Mr. Hadi Al-Amiri are also competing candidates for the Prime Minister position, especially since the cost and impact vary from one person to another. We noticed this issue through the letter addressed to the Head of the Popular Mobilization Forces, which interpreted the matter as interference. Hence, as for the partnership and influence involved in this alternative scenario, in which the government is led by Al-Fatah and State of Law, it is a good option, but its long-term cost and impact could sometimes be burdensome."
"If we want to bring in a strong figure, this will be at the expense of other important matters, such as international relations or the economy. Consequently, the partisan phenomenon must operate so that the specific political public is informed on this subject. As for the potential options, time alone is what will put things in their proper place."
The third speaker was Dr. Wathiq Al-Hashimi, Head of the Iraqi Group for Strategic Studies and political analyst. He described the Iraqi political scene as a scene of conflicts, crises, and loyalty to the outside, noting an absence of Iraqi national interest. "This scene has recurred from (2003) until now without any change. There are promises, but these promises are not fulfilled, and the flaw is that the Iraqi political class believes the Iraqi citizen is an unimportant part; their relationship with him ends at 6:00 PM when the ballot box closes, and the citizen's opinion ends there."
"There are promises, but they will not be achieved. They told us about an opposition in Parliament, but there is none. Consequently, I do not trust a state that does not have an opposition in Parliament, as everyone fights over executive power. Also, I do not trust a scene where loyalty belongs to the outside. When it's Iran, we become more Iranian than the Iranians; when it's Saudi Arabia, we become more Saudi than the Saudis. And when Erdogan speaks out and says we want Mosul, politicians stand up and say yes, we are more Turkish than Erdogan. We want them to be more Iraqi than what exists, and this is something that seemingly has not been achieved yet."
"The other issue is that the scene repeats itself, a miserable scene of national partnership. There are promises to fight corruption, but nothing has been achieved on this front. I disagree with the honorable MP when he said we respected the constitutional timeframes. Where is the respect in applying Article (56) of the Constitution, which states the Parliament must convene on (July 1st)? The other issue is that the current political blocs claimed they would form cross-sectarian blocs. However, will foreign countries accept the existence of shared houses? Certainly not, because for the funds spent in Iraq during election campaigns, these countries want their returns, and thus, everyone is watching us."
"Iran dictates the scene it wants, and America searches for whom it wants. The US Presidential Envoy has been touring since the first day the elections ended until now, and Mr. Qasem Soleimani is also touring. Erdogan holds a conference in Istanbul, while Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE also hold public and secret conferences. Does an Iraqi official dare to ask why the elections held in Turkey became presidential and not parliamentary? Does an Iraqi official dare to speak about the Iranian elections, the American elections, or even about Somalia?"
"The other issue today for those present in this scene, a question arises: the remaining time is five days, in a scene that witnessed unprecedented fraud, in a scene where all political blocs signed a code of honor in the presence of the judiciary and the United Nations. However, given the fraud that occurred, the elections should have been canceled. The evidence is (Kubiš's) speech at the Security Council, where he stated that the elections were fraudulent. Who burned the ballot boxes in Al-Rusafa? Who attacked the headquarters in Kirkuk? Who openly forged in many cases? There was a high insistence on not repeating the elections and accepting the election results."
"Consequently, the citizen is confused. If we say the commission is fraudulent, we must apologize to the commission. This is the dangerous consensus in the Iraqi scene. The other scene now present is that the Sunnis coalesced into a bloc named (The Axis), and there is a nationalistic axis, which is the (Kurdish Axis). Additionally, neither the Kurds nor the Sunnis will align with the largest bloc. What we have left is the (Fragmented Shiite House). Will Iran accept that there is a (Sunni House) organized by the Gulf and America, and a (Kurdish House) organized by the US Presidential Envoy, while the (Shiite House) remains fragmented and offers concessions to the Kurds, whose demands increased to (27), the first of which is abolishing the Kirkuk issue and returning to the disputed areas and oil, or the Sunni demands, which reached (23) demands?"
"Iran will remain silent, and the Shiite street will remain silent. We have five days, and there will be a session. Incidentally, it will be complete, because all the brothers want to take the constitutional oath to become a Parliament deputy and enjoy the privileges. But after that, the Speaker of the oldest age will call for the session to be left open; hence, the Speaker of Parliament and his deputies must be elected. Therefore, the Sunnis, who have a Qatari-Saudi conflict, will be politically eliminated, and this might blow up the Sunni House before Monday. As for the Kurdish scene, there is a bitter conflict over the position of the President of the Republic between the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union. The Patriotic Union says that in the existing Iraq, the President of the Republic is from the Patriotic Union. Similarly, Masoud Barzani says, 'I lost the position of the Region's President, so the position of the President of the Republic must go to Hoshyar Zebari.' This conflict could threaten the Kurdish House."
"Also, moving to the Shiite House, have they agreed on the position of the President of the Republic? We also return to the existing conflict in the region. These elections involve a struggle for existence, sanctions, and a Qatari-Saudi, Iranian-Saudi conflict. However, whenever we hear about an Iranian-American dispute, yes, it exists, but in Iraq, it fades away. Iran will not push forward an extremist candidate that America does not accept, for reasons rooted in Iran's pragmatism in its dealings. The proof is that they replaced the conservatives with reformists and reached a significant nuclear agreement with the United States. Consequently, they want to ease the sanctions on themselves, and the person of the Prime Minister could bridge the relationship between America and Iran, just as it happened in the secret sessions during Al-Maliki's first era."
"It could also bridge the tense relations with Saudi Arabia. America believes that the ground does not belong to it; consequently, its interests on the ground would be threatened by armed groups, and it does not push for a Prime Minister whom Iran does not accept. This consensus will be present. Therefore, the next session might be prolonged, and there is a regional player who wants to delay the government for the next six months. Time is extremely tight, and until now, matters have not been settled, not even the nucleus of the most numerous bloc. Naturally, there are three scenarios, given that the bloc formed at the Babylon Hotel consists of four blocs, and these four blocs cannot be the largest bloc."
"Consequently, in this confused and sensitive scene, and amid this international and regional antagonism and conflict, Iraq today is obsessed with manufacturing crises. Examples include the most numerous bloc, the protests crisis, the water crisis, and before that, the fraud crisis, the sanctions crisis, the Ilisu crisis, and the Fallujah crisis. This consensus is an experiment not worth applying. In conclusion, the foreign player is the one who chooses the Prime Minister, not us, and it is the one who chooses the President of the Republic and the Speaker of Parliament."
In the same context, political analyst and political science professor Mr. Issam Al-Faili spoke, stating, "One of the most important problems obstructing the path to forming the government is the major fragmentation within all political blocs, for a very simple reason: what united them during the days of opposition to Saddam was divided by power, and this is a fact. The other issue is the disbelief in the necessity of shifting to the opposition. With the formation of the Iraqi Kingdom in (1921) and the convening of the first constituent assembly in (1924) until the end of King Faisal I's reign, a fifth of the Iraqi Parliament belonged to the opposition. (41%) of them held university degrees, and (15%) of them spoke three languages. Thus, the authority at that time was an institutional system. When we speak about (Nuri al-Said), he led the (Al-Ahd Party); likewise, (Saad Salih Jabr) belonged to the (Socialist Party)."
"Our problem in Iraq is that we look at parties based on their heritage and history, evaluate their performance, and go to the elections based on the symbols present within them. This is a flaw. We do not vote based on their electoral program, whereas in all countries around the world, citizens vote for their pocket. One of our most significant dilemmas is that the party looks for how many ministers it wants, how many deputy directors-general, how many deputy ministers, in a state that does not account for where the money goes. Consequently, (Al-Fatah) will join (Sairoon) and the government will be formed, especially since the Iranian breath is a deep breath."
Interventions:
Jurist Ahmed Jwaid, Director of the Adam Center for Defending Rights and Freedoms: "Believes there is a problem created by the Federal Supreme Court in interpreting the constitution in (2010), which is the issue of interpreting the largest bloc. Consequently, had the Federal Supreme Court left the option of the winning bloc with the most votes in the elections to form the government, then today the (Sairoon Bloc) is tasked with forming the government, and if it fails, it goes to another bloc. Unfortunately, the Federal Supreme Court recently became a tool in the hands of the influential. Finally, he asks: Can the upcoming government hold the corrupt in previous governments accountable?"
Dr. Ali Ghezaiwi, former provincial council member: "Inquires about the provincial councils and whether there is optimism or pessimism in this regard."
Professor Dr. Muneer Al-Daami, Head of the Academics Syndicate, Holy Karbala Branch: "Questions whether the government will witness an alliance between (Sairoon and Al-Fatah). The other matter is whether we will witness a strong opposition in Parliament amid the preservation of power by most political blocs."
Dr. Ahmed Al-Husseini, Professor at Ahl al-Bayt University: "Asks: When a consensus is reached among the blocs, where is the place for financial and administrative corruption, and where will the Iraqi losses and thefts be? Will there be a strong opposition bloc that raises this issue?"
Dr. Hamid Al-Hilali, civil activist: "Considers that the interpretation of the largest bloc is what plunged the Iraqi reality into this crisis. The crime committed in (2010) is what we are paying the price for today. The second sin is that everyone agreed on a bad electoral law, which produced this government. My question here is: in all governments, the (Sadrist Movement) has been the tipping point, but consistently, it does not make good choices. Will it repeat the same mistake?"
Dr. Ihab Ali, academic and researcher at Al-Nabaa Foundation: "Inquiries first about the national programs and visions from which the Iraqi political blocs launched, which are all similar. The other question is whether the problem lies in the persons of the Prime Minister, the President of the Republic, and the Speaker of Parliament, or in the government formation and governmental performance."
Jurist Hashem Al-Mutairi, Islamic Action Organization: "Poses the following question: What are the real capabilities given by the central government to the local governments? The state has a centralist mindset and holds all matters in its hands."
Kamal Obeid, Managing Editor of Al-Nabaa Information Network, journalist, and media researcher: "Expects the birth of the upcoming government to be very difficult amid the internal and external zero-sum conflicts. A question here: Do you favor the consensus and quota scenario, returning to square one?"
Journalist Tawfiq Al-Habali, representative of the Journalists Syndicate in Holy Karbala: "Assesses that the upcoming government will be similar to previous governments—it will be consensual, and there will be no opposition in Parliament."
Journalist Yasmine Al-Shammarin, Head of the Eyes of the Poor Media Association, Karbala Branch: "Questions which is the priority: consensus on forming the government or solving the Basra crisis, which has reached (800) poisoning cases while politicians do not lift a finger? The other question is regarding the dispute within the Shiite component: who is right and who is wrong, and why do they not agree to form the largest bloc?"
Journalist Noor Al-Jubouri, Iraqi and Arab Media Agency: "Raises the fact that failing to hold the corrupt accountable has made forming the government available to everyone. Also, will the failure to implement the protesters' demands lead us to an emergency government?"
Majida Imtithal, Human Rights Watch Association: "Questions whether the (Sairoon Bloc) will form the opposition to pressure the government, especially since it is the largest bloc in vote count."
Media professional Ahmed Al-Tamimi: "Considers that today, when mistakes are not corrected, turnout rates in the next elections will reach very, very low levels. My question here is: Can the Parliament eliminate some of the issues that caused the Iraqi citizen's reluctance to vote? Also, will we witness an activation of laws and an attempt to throw the corrupt into prisons?"
Engineer Qaisar Hamad Al-Masoudi, legal researcher: "Seeks clarification on the penalty that will be imposed on the political process for violating the legal and constitutional deadlines, in case of a constitutional breach of these timeframes."
Ihab Al-Wazni: "Proposes the idea that the Federal Supreme Court's incorrect interpretation caused many problems. Is there a specific entity that adopts presenting an amendment to this text in the current term, even if it contradicts the party's interests?"
Economic researcher Imad Al-Saeedi: "Asks why the Prime Minister launched appointments at the present time, noting that the (2018) budget is devoid of appointments. The other question is whether the Sadrist Movement will exit the government to oppose its directions."
Riyadh Al-Obaidi, Head of the Intellectual Creativity Foundation for Culture and Media: "Describes the political parties as unafraid of breaching or bypassing the constitution, and they do not interact positively with the marginalized popular will. Therefore, the next phase will not bring us anything new; on the contrary, there are major fears regarding the government formation process amid internal conflicts."
Writer Khalid Mutlaq Al-Aboudi, Secretary-General of Al-Masarra Cultural and Humanitarian Foundation in Iraq: "Addresses an important dilemma, which is the existence of malice in the hearts of Iraqis that prevents them from shaking hands with others. Consequently, one is in a valley while the other is in a different valley, keeping in mind that they are all Iraqis and all seek to bring Iraq to the shores of security and peace. The second point is the lack of trust. The Kurds, for example, request that negotiations must be in writing or in front of a foreign delegation. The other matter is the exclusion of intellectuals from the discussions held in dark rooms, so where is the role of the Iraqi intellectual? There is also the intensifying conflict among the blocs over positions, and there are complex and fragile alignments among the political blocs."
Media trainer Ali Al-Shammari, a certified trainer in political empowerment: "Emphasizes that everyone agreed that foreign interference is what puts political figures in their places. Consequently, the Iraqi people remain captive to the foreign will to place those figures in their appropriate spots. However, is there a certain strategy followed by politicians to change this strategy?"
Another speaker: "Asks whether the Shiite House will heal and agree so that the government can be formed."
"Finally, Dr. Riyadh responded to some of the inquiries, especially since he suggests there are pillars that must be agreed upon. The first is the nature of the concept of managing the Iraqi state, which is nonexistent, and the change was coercive. Consequently, the class that followed the American occupation produced non-political concepts. For example, a non-political concept in Iraq is the concept of (opposition). In Iraq, we must abandon this term currently because this meaning exists in democratic and institutional systems. The new concept is the concept of (corruption); therefore, corruption prevailed with the emergence of an opposition that possesses no tools. Also, breaching the constitution is a reality. In the Iraqi Constitution, there is a massive number of time bombs. Consequently, the constitution is flimsy; moreover, the constitution made Iraq united and torn apart at the same time."
Dr. Wathiq Al-Hashimi also responded that the upcoming Shiite House will either consist of four parties or five parties. "For his part, Dr. Hussain Allawi replied that there is a structural problem in the political system governing the Iraqi political forces, as they are very keen on distributing spoils every four years and leaving the people to endure tragedies. Also, combating corruption will be the next priority in the government's second year. In the first year, it will focus on the basic services sector, such as water, electricity, roads, and restoring the general situation of the country. Consequently, in the second year, if the parliamentarians are encouraged and issue legal legislations, it is possible that we can curtail corruption. Thus, the local councils are the foundation of the success and failure of the Iraqi government. Also, the quota scenario is clear, but smart quotas are better than grim quotas."
